Strong thunderstorms moved through Western North Carolina Tuesday afternoon and Wednesday evening, bringing gusty winds, hail and flooding to areas including Rutherford, Polk, Burke and McDowell counties, officials said. The National Weather Service reported wind gusts up to 40 mph that caused downed tree limbs and warned of additional strong storms expected Thursday afternoon.
A thunderstorm tracked by radar at 2:38 p.m. Tuesday was located about eight miles west of Rutherfordton and seven miles southeast of Lake Lure as it moved through Rutherford and Polk counties, according to the National Weather Service (NWS) Greenville-Spartanburg office. The storm was expected to impact communities including Lake Lure, Chimney Rock Village, Chimney Rock State Park, Bat Cave, Green Hill, Mill Spring, Lake Adger and Shingle Hollow through about 3:15 p.m.
The NWS reported wind gusts up to 40 mph with the storm, warning that gusty winds could knock down tree limbs and blow unsecured objects.
Alongside the wind, the storm brought pea-sized hail, with the NWS noting minor hail damage to outdoor objects was possible. A separate alert issued at 5:43 p.m. Wednesday covered Burke Mountains, McDowell Mountains, Avery, Yancey and Mitchell counties, warning of strong thunderstorms with wind gusts up to 40 mph and pea-size hail measuring 0.25 inches. Officials cautioned that torrential rainfall could cause localized flooding and urged drivers to never attempt to cross flooded roadways.
Flooding concerns were heightened by the region’s mountainous terrain, which the Weather Prediction Center identifies as prone to rapid runoff and flash flooding. The NWS Greenville-Spartanburg office stated that heavy rainfall accompanying the afternoon and evening storms could lead to isolated flash flooding, particularly in susceptible locations. The alert for Burke, McDowell, Avery, Yancey and Mitchell counties reiterated that torrential rainfall may lead to localized flooding and emphasized public safety precautions.
Local meteorologists forecast additional strong storms Thursday afternoon and evening, with activity expected between 2 and 8 p.m. The NWS warned of damaging wind gusts as the primary hazard during this next round, with gusts in the 20 to 25 mph range expected. Large hail remains a concern with any severe storms that develop, and isolated tornadoes cannot be ruled out, according to a “Weather Warn Day” bulletin issued for Western North Carolina and the Upstate. The NWS has encouraged residents to stay tuned to weather radios and media for overnight warnings.
In a broader recent event, the remnants of Hurricane Helene brought more than 18 inches of rain over three days to parts of southern Yancey, western McDowell, southeastern Buncombe and northwestern Rutherford counties. This heavy rainfall pushed major rivers such as the French Broad, Swannanoa, Catawba and Watauga near or above major flood stage, producing catastrophic flooding in Western North Carolina, state climatologists confirmed. During that event, an ECONet station on Mount Mitchell recorded a 106 mph wind gust at 8:27 a.m. Friday, while Frying Pan Mountain recorded an 87 mph gust, illustrating the potential for extreme winds in the region’s higher elevations.
The NWS Greenville-Spartanburg office has issued multiple warnings over recent days for scattered to numerous thunderstorms across Western North Carolina, some of which could be strong to severe with locally damaging winds and heavy rainfall. On Tuesday, July 28, the NWS forecast severe thunderstorms with damaging winds and isolated large hail as the main concerns, particularly from 2 to 5 p.m. Local media outlets such as WLOS reported a “Weather Warn Day” for overnight hours Tuesday into early Wednesday, noting storms entering from the west and maintaining strength as they crossed into the mountains.
The NWS has consistently emphasized the dangers of driving through flooded roadways during these events, advising motorists to avoid crossing flooded streets. Officials have also highlighted that torrential rainfall in mountainous terrain can quickly create localized or flash flooding even in areas not traditionally prone to floods. The NWS Greenville-Spartanburg office employs various communication tools, including Weather Stories and social media posts, to alert the public about strong gusts, large hail and excessive rain across Western North Carolina.
Forecast totals for the latest storms indicate rainfall amounts ranging from less than 1 inch along and east of Interstate 26 to 1 to 2 inches west of I-26 in the mountains and south into the Upstate, according to local forecasts. These amounts suggest a higher potential for flooding in the region’s higher terrain. Another forecast from 828 News NOW, citing the NWS, noted that the timing of Thursday’s storms remains uncertain due to the pop-up nature of thunderstorms but warned of damaging wind gusts, isolated flash flooding and small hail.
Officials continue to monitor weather conditions closely as Western North Carolina remains under the threat of strong to severe storms through the week. The NWS has advised residents to remain alert for updated warnings and to take precautions as needed in response to rapidly changing weather conditions.
Strong thunderstorms moved through Western North Carolina Tuesday afternoon and Wednesday evening, bringing gusty winds, hail and flooding to areas including Rutherford, Polk, Burke and McDowell counties, officials said. The National Weather Service reported wind gusts up to 40 mph that caused downed tree limbs and warned of additional strong storms expected Thursday afternoon.
A thunderstorm tracked by radar at 2:38 p.m. Tuesday was located about eight miles west of Rutherfordton and seven miles southeast of Lake Lure as it moved through Rutherford and Polk counties, according to the National Weather Service (NWS) Greenville-Spartanburg office. The storm was expected to impact communities including Lake Lure, Chimney Rock Village, Chimney Rock State Park, Bat Cave, Green Hill, Mill Spring, Lake Adger and Shingle Hollow through about 3:15 p.m.
The NWS reported wind gusts up to 40 mph with the storm, warning that gusty winds could knock down tree limbs and blow unsecured objects.
Alongside the wind, the storm brought pea-sized hail, with the NWS noting minor hail damage to outdoor objects was possible. A separate alert issued at 5:43 p.m. Wednesday covered Burke Mountains, McDowell Mountains, Avery, Yancey and Mitchell counties, warning of strong thunderstorms with wind gusts up to 40 mph and pea-size hail measuring 0.25 inches. Officials cautioned that torrential rainfall could cause localized flooding and urged drivers to never attempt to cross flooded roadways.
Flooding concerns were heightened by the region’s mountainous terrain, which the Weather Prediction Center identifies as prone to rapid runoff and flash flooding. The NWS Greenville-Spartanburg office stated that heavy rainfall accompanying the afternoon and evening storms could lead to isolated flash flooding, particularly in susceptible locations. The alert for Burke, McDowell, Avery, Yancey and Mitchell counties reiterated that torrential rainfall may lead to localized flooding and emphasized public safety precautions.
Local meteorologists forecast additional strong storms Thursday afternoon and evening, with activity expected between 2 and 8 p.m. The NWS warned of damaging wind gusts as the primary hazard during this next round, with gusts in the 20 to 25 mph range expected. Large hail remains a concern with any severe storms that develop, and isolated tornadoes cannot be ruled out, according to a “Weather Warn Day” bulletin issued for Western North Carolina and the Upstate. The NWS has encouraged residents to stay tuned to weather radios and media for overnight warnings.
In a broader recent event, the remnants of Hurricane Helene brought more than 18 inches of rain over three days to parts of southern Yancey, western McDowell, southeastern Buncombe and northwestern Rutherford counties. This heavy rainfall pushed major rivers such as the French Broad, Swannanoa, Catawba and Watauga near or above major flood stage, producing catastrophic flooding in Western North Carolina, state climatologists confirmed. During that event, an ECONet station on Mount Mitchell recorded a 106 mph wind gust at 8:27 a.m. Friday, while Frying Pan Mountain recorded an 87 mph gust, illustrating the potential for extreme winds in the region’s higher elevations.
The NWS Greenville-Spartanburg office has issued multiple warnings over recent days for scattered to numerous thunderstorms across Western North Carolina, some of which could be strong to severe with locally damaging winds and heavy rainfall. On Tuesday, July 28, the NWS forecast severe thunderstorms with damaging winds and isolated large hail as the main concerns, particularly from 2 to 5 p.m. Local media outlets such as WLOS reported a “Weather Warn Day” for overnight hours Tuesday into early Wednesday, noting storms entering from the west and maintaining strength as they crossed into the mountains.
The NWS has consistently emphasized the dangers of driving through flooded roadways during these events, advising motorists to avoid crossing flooded streets. Officials have also highlighted that torrential rainfall in mountainous terrain can quickly create localized or flash flooding even in areas not traditionally prone to floods. The NWS Greenville-Spartanburg office employs various communication tools, including Weather Stories and social media posts, to alert the public about strong gusts, large hail and excessive rain across Western North Carolina.
Forecast totals for the latest storms indicate rainfall amounts ranging from less than 1 inch along and east of Interstate 26 to 1 to 2 inches west of I-26 in the mountains and south into the Upstate, according to local forecasts. These amounts suggest a higher potential for flooding in the region’s higher terrain. Another forecast from 828 News NOW, citing the NWS, noted that the timing of Thursday’s storms remains uncertain due to the pop-up nature of thunderstorms but warned of damaging wind gusts, isolated flash flooding and small hail.
Officials continue to monitor weather conditions closely as Western North Carolina remains under the threat of strong to severe storms through the week. The NWS has advised residents to remain alert for updated warnings and to take precautions as needed in response to rapidly changing weather conditions.
The North Carolina House withdrew House Bill 328, a measure regulating hemp-derived consumables, on August 5, 2026, after hundreds of protesters filled the General Assembly hallways in Raleigh. Lawmakers delayed the vote, with House Speaker Destin Hall saying the chamber needed more time to review the complex bill following strong opposition from hemp industry groups and business owners, according to officials.
House Speaker Destin Hall, a Republican from Caldwell County, said the chamber needed additional time to review the “somewhat complicated” House Bill 328, a Senate-approved conference report that would regulate hemp-derived consumables by largely banning intoxicating hemp products and imposing strict THC limits. Products exceeding this threshold would be classified as Schedule VI controlled substances under North Carolina law, the same category as marijuana, according to legislative records.
The bill, which the Senate passed on July 2, 2026, by a 37–6 vote, sets a cap of 0.3% total THC by dry weight for hemp products and limits finished hemp-derived consumable products intended for ingestion or inhalation to no more than 0.4 milligrams of total THC per container.
The bill also includes provisions banning synthetic kratom, restricting kratom sales to individuals 21 and older, and classifying xylazine as a Schedule III controlled substance. HB 328 would prohibit the sale, delivery, and possession of hemp-derived consumables by or to anyone under 21 years old, with penalties for violations. Supporters, including law enforcement and prosecutor groups, have emphasized these age restrictions as a key public safety feature, noting that currently no statewide age limits exist for intoxicating hemp products in North Carolina.
Before the House’s planned vote on August 5, 2026, hundreds of protesters filled the General Assembly hallways in Raleigh, according to reporting from the Raleigh News & Observer. Hemp business owners, employees, and industry groups organized rallies and lobbying events, including a gathering at Tap Yard in Raleigh on August 3 and a protest at the legislature on August 4. Protesters argued that HB 328 effectively amounts to a ban that would devastate the state’s hemp industry by eliminating most existing products such as beverages, gummies, vapes, delta-8 THC products, and THCA flower. Industry advocates warned of significant job losses and business closures if the bill were enacted, sources confirmed.
The bill has faced opposition from within the House Republican caucus, with some lawmakers expressing concern about the broad scope and impact of the Senate-approved conference report. Because the bill is a conference report, it cannot be amended on the House floor and must be accepted or rejected as-is. House Majority Leader Brenden Jones, a Republican from Columbus County, was involved in earlier negotiations but the House adjourned for its July recess on July 2, 2026, without taking up the bill. House Speaker Hall indicated a desire to bring the bill to a vote but acknowledged the decision rests with the majority of the Republican caucus, which has been divided on the issue.
Law enforcement and prosecution groups have been vocal supporters of HB 328. A coalition including the North Carolina Sheriffs’ Association, State Bureau of Investigation (SBI), North Carolina Conference of District Attorneys, and the North Carolina Association of Chiefs of Police issued a joint memo on August 3 urging House members to pass the bill during the week of August 3. At a press conference led by Rep. Reece Pyrtle, a retired police chief from Rockingham, representatives of these agencies framed the bill as necessary to crack down on intoxicating hemp products and delta-8 THC items that currently operate in an unregulated market posing public safety risks.
The controversy over HB 328 reflects a broader policy debate in North Carolina amid a rapidly expanding market for hemp-derived intoxicating products. The bill aligns with new federal hemp regulations scheduled to take effect November 12, 2026, which tighten the legal definition of hemp and THC content limits. However, critics argue that the bill’s strict THC caps and product bans go beyond regulation and amount to a de facto prohibition of most commercial hemp products. Supporters contend the legislation addresses a regulatory gap by imposing uniform standards and age restrictions to protect public health and safety.
As of August 5, 2026, HB 328 remains a proposed measure that has not been enacted into law. The House leadership has not scheduled a new vote date, and the bill’s future depends on further deliberations within the Republican caucus. Meanwhile, the hemp industry continues to operate under the current regulatory framework, which lacks statewide age restrictions and uniform controls on intoxicating hemp products.
The North Carolina House withdrew House Bill 328, a measure regulating hemp-derived consumables, on August 5, 2026, after hundreds of protesters filled the General Assembly hallways in Raleigh. Lawmakers delayed the vote, with House Speaker Destin Hall saying the chamber needed more time to review the complex bill following strong opposition from hemp industry groups and business owners, according to officials.
House Speaker Destin Hall, a Republican from Caldwell County, said the chamber needed additional time to review the “somewhat complicated” House Bill 328, a Senate-approved conference report that would regulate hemp-derived consumables by largely banning intoxicating hemp products and imposing strict THC limits. Products exceeding this threshold would be classified as Schedule VI controlled substances under North Carolina law, the same category as marijuana, according to legislative records.
The bill, which the Senate passed on July 2, 2026, by a 37–6 vote, sets a cap of 0.3% total THC by dry weight for hemp products and limits finished hemp-derived consumable products intended for ingestion or inhalation to no more than 0.4 milligrams of total THC per container.
The bill also includes provisions banning synthetic kratom, restricting kratom sales to individuals 21 and older, and classifying xylazine as a Schedule III controlled substance. HB 328 would prohibit the sale, delivery, and possession of hemp-derived consumables by or to anyone under 21 years old, with penalties for violations. Supporters, including law enforcement and prosecutor groups, have emphasized these age restrictions as a key public safety feature, noting that currently no statewide age limits exist for intoxicating hemp products in North Carolina.
Before the House’s planned vote on August 5, 2026, hundreds of protesters filled the General Assembly hallways in Raleigh, according to reporting from the Raleigh News & Observer. Hemp business owners, employees, and industry groups organized rallies and lobbying events, including a gathering at Tap Yard in Raleigh on August 3 and a protest at the legislature on August 4. Protesters argued that HB 328 effectively amounts to a ban that would devastate the state’s hemp industry by eliminating most existing products such as beverages, gummies, vapes, delta-8 THC products, and THCA flower. Industry advocates warned of significant job losses and business closures if the bill were enacted, sources confirmed.
The bill has faced opposition from within the House Republican caucus, with some lawmakers expressing concern about the broad scope and impact of the Senate-approved conference report. Because the bill is a conference report, it cannot be amended on the House floor and must be accepted or rejected as-is. House Majority Leader Brenden Jones, a Republican from Columbus County, was involved in earlier negotiations but the House adjourned for its July recess on July 2, 2026, without taking up the bill. House Speaker Hall indicated a desire to bring the bill to a vote but acknowledged the decision rests with the majority of the Republican caucus, which has been divided on the issue.
Law enforcement and prosecution groups have been vocal supporters of HB 328. A coalition including the North Carolina Sheriffs’ Association, State Bureau of Investigation (SBI), North Carolina Conference of District Attorneys, and the North Carolina Association of Chiefs of Police issued a joint memo on August 3 urging House members to pass the bill during the week of August 3. At a press conference led by Rep. Reece Pyrtle, a retired police chief from Rockingham, representatives of these agencies framed the bill as necessary to crack down on intoxicating hemp products and delta-8 THC items that currently operate in an unregulated market posing public safety risks.
The controversy over HB 328 reflects a broader policy debate in North Carolina amid a rapidly expanding market for hemp-derived intoxicating products. The bill aligns with new federal hemp regulations scheduled to take effect November 12, 2026, which tighten the legal definition of hemp and THC content limits. However, critics argue that the bill’s strict THC caps and product bans go beyond regulation and amount to a de facto prohibition of most commercial hemp products. Supporters contend the legislation addresses a regulatory gap by imposing uniform standards and age restrictions to protect public health and safety.
As of August 5, 2026, HB 328 remains a proposed measure that has not been enacted into law. The House leadership has not scheduled a new vote date, and the bill’s future depends on further deliberations within the Republican caucus. Meanwhile, the hemp industry continues to operate under the current regulatory framework, which lacks statewide age restrictions and uniform controls on intoxicating hemp products.
North Carolina gubernatorial candidates Roy Cooper and Michael Whatley offered voters sharply different economic plans during their campaigns this year. Cooper focused on lowering costs for essentials through increased government oversight, while Whatley emphasized tax cuts and deregulation to boost take-home pay, according to statements from both campaigns.
Cooper’s campaign centers on his “Make Stuff Cost Less” agenda, which emphasizes expanded government oversight to lower prices on essentials such as groceries, health care, energy, child care and housing. According to campaign statements and his website, He has criticized tariffs implemented during the Trump administration and those related to the war in Iran, calling them a burden on farmers and pledging to roll back these tariffs to reduce inflationary pressures. Cooper’s health-care proposals include broader Medicare drug price negotiations, increased oversight of hospital mergers, regulation of pharmacy benefit managers, and caps on surprise billing to lower out-of-pocket costs for patients. On housing and energy, Cooper supports incentives for new construction, restrictions on large corporate purchases of single-family homes, bans on algorithm-driven rent-setting, modernization of the energy grid, and ensuring that data centers pay the full cost of their power instead of shifting expenses to consumers, according to campaign materials.
Cooper advocates for stronger antitrust enforcement, including limits on grocery chain mergers and restrictions on algorithm-driven pricing practices that he says allow corporations to exploit consumer data.
In contrast, Whatley’s campaign promotes a platform focused on tax cuts, deregulation, and conservative economic principles aligned with former President Donald Trump’s “America First” agenda. Whatley, a former Republican National Committee chairman, has criticized Cooper for vetoing state tax-cut legislation and opposing the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” which included tax reductions. He argues that reducing government regulation, expanding domestic energy production, and controlling federal spending are the keys to lowering costs and creating jobs. Whatley has received Trump’s endorsement and frequently emphasizes his commitment to advancing Trump’s national priorities from North Carolina. His campaign highlights a law-and-order stance, with Whatley pledging to introduce a federal version of “Iryna’s Law,” aimed at increasing protections against violent offenders, and calling for strengthened federal sentencing guidelines. Whatley has also criticized Cooper for opposing state legislation that would increase cooperation between county sheriffs and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), portraying Cooper as soft on crime and favoring “illegal aliens,” according to statements from Whatley’s campaign.
Both candidates frame the race as a choice about North Carolina’s economic direction but differ sharply on the role of government. Cooper ties affordability to a more robust federal government presence, including expanded programs and regulatory oversight, while Whatley emphasizes smaller government, lower taxes, and deregulation. Cooper has said he is willing to work across the aisle to roll back tariffs and tighten merger rules, whereas Whatley positions the election as a referendum on continuing Democratic policies versus advancing a Trump-aligned conservative agenda.
On health care, Cooper’s proposals include reversing Medicaid cuts and restoring Affordable Care Act tax credits, allowing doctors rather than insurance companies to make care decisions, and enhancing consumer protections against surprise medical bills and utility disconnections during extreme weather. He also supports designating emergency ground ambulance service as an essential health benefit. Whatley’s campaign, meanwhile, has focused less on health care specifics and more on broader economic and public safety issues.
Both campaigns endorse tighter ethics standards for federal lawmakers, including requiring members of Congress to divest from stock portfolios or place holdings in blind trusts. Despite this shared stance, the campaigns have engaged in sharp attacks. Whatley’s spokesman D.J. Griffin said, “Candidate Cooper says ‘make stuff cost less,’ but Governor Cooper always made stuff cost more,” arguing that Cooper’s policies increased financial hardship. Cooper counters by attributing higher prices to Trump-era foreign policy and tariffs, emphasizing the need to reverse those policies to address inflation.
Polling reflects a competitive race. A Public Policy Polling survey conducted July 10–11, 2026, showed Cooper leading with 48% support to Whatley’s 44%. Earlier in April 2026, a Catawba College poll placed Cooper 14 points ahead, though subsequent coverage noted the race has tightened as the campaign progressed. Cooper’s campaign has conducted a cross-state “Make Stuff Cost Less” tour with stops in Wilson and the Triangle, focusing on cost-of-living issues. Whatley has emphasized crime, immigration, and economic conservatism in events with law enforcement and grassroots audiences, highlighting his Trump endorsement and law-and-order credentials.
The candidates’ contrasting approaches reflect broader national debates over government’s role in the economy, public safety, and social policy. The general election will determine which path North Carolina voters choose as the state faces ongoing concerns about affordability, economic growth, and public safety.
North Carolina gubernatorial candidates Roy Cooper and Michael Whatley offered voters sharply different economic plans during their campaigns this year. Cooper focused on lowering costs for essentials through increased government oversight, while Whatley emphasized tax cuts and deregulation to boost take-home pay, according to statements from both campaigns.
Cooper’s campaign centers on his “Make Stuff Cost Less” agenda, which emphasizes expanded government oversight to lower prices on essentials such as groceries, health care, energy, child care and housing. According to campaign statements and his website, He has criticized tariffs implemented during the Trump administration and those related to the war in Iran, calling them a burden on farmers and pledging to roll back these tariffs to reduce inflationary pressures. Cooper’s health-care proposals include broader Medicare drug price negotiations, increased oversight of hospital mergers, regulation of pharmacy benefit managers, and caps on surprise billing to lower out-of-pocket costs for patients. On housing and energy, Cooper supports incentives for new construction, restrictions on large corporate purchases of single-family homes, bans on algorithm-driven rent-setting, modernization of the energy grid, and ensuring that data centers pay the full cost of their power instead of shifting expenses to consumers, according to campaign materials.
Cooper advocates for stronger antitrust enforcement, including limits on grocery chain mergers and restrictions on algorithm-driven pricing practices that he says allow corporations to exploit consumer data.
In contrast, Whatley’s campaign promotes a platform focused on tax cuts, deregulation, and conservative economic principles aligned with former President Donald Trump’s “America First” agenda. Whatley, a former Republican National Committee chairman, has criticized Cooper for vetoing state tax-cut legislation and opposing the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” which included tax reductions. He argues that reducing government regulation, expanding domestic energy production, and controlling federal spending are the keys to lowering costs and creating jobs. Whatley has received Trump’s endorsement and frequently emphasizes his commitment to advancing Trump’s national priorities from North Carolina. His campaign highlights a law-and-order stance, with Whatley pledging to introduce a federal version of “Iryna’s Law,” aimed at increasing protections against violent offenders, and calling for strengthened federal sentencing guidelines. Whatley has also criticized Cooper for opposing state legislation that would increase cooperation between county sheriffs and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), portraying Cooper as soft on crime and favoring “illegal aliens,” according to statements from Whatley’s campaign.
Both candidates frame the race as a choice about North Carolina’s economic direction but differ sharply on the role of government. Cooper ties affordability to a more robust federal government presence, including expanded programs and regulatory oversight, while Whatley emphasizes smaller government, lower taxes, and deregulation. Cooper has said he is willing to work across the aisle to roll back tariffs and tighten merger rules, whereas Whatley positions the election as a referendum on continuing Democratic policies versus advancing a Trump-aligned conservative agenda.
On health care, Cooper’s proposals include reversing Medicaid cuts and restoring Affordable Care Act tax credits, allowing doctors rather than insurance companies to make care decisions, and enhancing consumer protections against surprise medical bills and utility disconnections during extreme weather. He also supports designating emergency ground ambulance service as an essential health benefit. Whatley’s campaign, meanwhile, has focused less on health care specifics and more on broader economic and public safety issues.
Both campaigns endorse tighter ethics standards for federal lawmakers, including requiring members of Congress to divest from stock portfolios or place holdings in blind trusts. Despite this shared stance, the campaigns have engaged in sharp attacks. Whatley’s spokesman D.J. Griffin said, “Candidate Cooper says ‘make stuff cost less,’ but Governor Cooper always made stuff cost more,” arguing that Cooper’s policies increased financial hardship. Cooper counters by attributing higher prices to Trump-era foreign policy and tariffs, emphasizing the need to reverse those policies to address inflation.
Polling reflects a competitive race. A Public Policy Polling survey conducted July 10–11, 2026, showed Cooper leading with 48% support to Whatley’s 44%. Earlier in April 2026, a Catawba College poll placed Cooper 14 points ahead, though subsequent coverage noted the race has tightened as the campaign progressed. Cooper’s campaign has conducted a cross-state “Make Stuff Cost Less” tour with stops in Wilson and the Triangle, focusing on cost-of-living issues. Whatley has emphasized crime, immigration, and economic conservatism in events with law enforcement and grassroots audiences, highlighting his Trump endorsement and law-and-order credentials.
The candidates’ contrasting approaches reflect broader national debates over government’s role in the economy, public safety, and social policy. The general election will determine which path North Carolina voters choose as the state faces ongoing concerns about affordability, economic growth, and public safety.
Bishop William J. Barber II and several activists were arrested Monday during a National Moral Monday protest outside the Hart Senate Office Building in Washington, D.C. The demonstration, organized by the Poor People’s Campaign, aimed to demand federal voting rights protections and economic reforms ahead of the 56th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act, organizers said.
Approximately 200 people, including Bishop William J. Barber II and other faith leaders, were arrested Monday during a National Moral Monday protest outside the Hart Senate Office Building in Washington, D.C., according to organizers with the Poor People’s Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. Those arrested were charged under District of Columbia law with “crowding, obstructing, or incommoding,” a misdemeanor offense commonly applied in protest-related arrests in the city. Capitol Police officials said the protesters were processed at the scene and released on their own recognizance.
A spokesperson for the U.S. Capitol Police confirmed that 204 individuals were taken into custody for “obstructing the roadway” on the 100 block of Constitution Avenue NE adjacent to the Senate office buildings.
The demonstration was a faith-led, nonviolent direct action involving clergy, faith leaders, and low-wage workers demanding federal voting rights protections and economic reforms. The protest began at Union Station, followed by a march that passed the U.S. Capitol and the U.S. Supreme Court before reaching the Hart Senate Office Building. Earlier in the day, Bishop Barber held a press conference on the Supreme Court steps to explain the focus on voting rights and opposition to voter suppression. Marchers were denied entry to the Senate office building and remained in the entrance area and adjacent street in deliberate civil disobedience. U.S. Capitol Police issued warnings to clear the street before beginning arrests; organizers noted at least one warning was given on Monday, compared to the usual three warnings at previous rallies.
In addition to Barber, who is president of Repairers of the Breach and co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign, other prominent figures arrested during the broader Moral Monday voting rights actions included Rev. Liz Theoharis, co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign, and civil rights leader Rev. Jesse Jackson, according to campaign officials. The protest involved thousands of clergy and low-wage workers representing a coalition of faith communities and social justice organizations. Organizers described the arrests as part of a continuing series of Moral Monday actions, a movement founded by Barber in North Carolina in 2013 that uses civil disobedience to challenge voter suppression, poverty, and anti-democratic policies.
Protesters demanded that Congress restore and strengthen the Voting Rights Act, tying their deadline to Aug. 6, the 56th anniversary of the Act’s passage. They called for passage of the For the People Act, a comprehensive voting and ethics bill designed to expand voting access and counter new state-level voting restrictions. A key demand was ending or abolishing the Senate filibuster, which activists said was being used to block voting rights and democracy reforms. Protesters also pressed for an increase in the federal minimum wage to $15 per hour, linking economic justice to voting rights. Additional demands included fair treatment of approximately 11 million immigrants in the United States and an in-person meeting between President Joe Biden and a diverse delegation of poor and low-wage workers, clergy, economists, and civil rights lawyers.
Barber and other faith leaders sought to meet directly with Senate leaders inside the Hart Senate Office Building to voice opposition to voter suppression and specific legislation. They reportedly attempted to meet with Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., regarding voting rights and the SAVE America Act. The Poor People’s Campaign said it had formally requested meetings with Senators Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., Kyrsten Sinema, D-Ariz., and Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., whom they viewed as pivotal in blocking voting rights and filibuster reform. Protesters were denied entrance to the Senate office building, which organizers cited as justification for engaging in civil disobedience.
The Poor People’s Campaign characterized the National Moral Monday protest as one of the largest days of arrests in Washington during a nonviolent direct action focused on voting rights and economic justice. Demonstrators sang hymns and chanted phrases such as “Everyone has the right to live,” framing the issues as moral and spiritual imperatives. Barber and other leaders linked voter suppression, poverty, low wages, and anti-immigrant policies as interconnected crises, arguing that Congress was neglecting impoverished communities. The movement’s messaging emphasized that the actions were nonviolent and intended to dramatize Senate inaction on democracy reforms.
The National Moral Monday action is rooted in the Moral Monday movement founded by Barber in 2013 in North Carolina. The Poor People’s Campaign and Repairers of the Breach have used similar tactics of civil disobedience and arrests in protests against budgets, voting restrictions, and policies affecting poor communities. The timing of Monday’s protest was explicitly linked to the upcoming 56th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act on Aug. 6, with organizers setting that date as a deadline for Senate action on voting rights legislation.
Bishop William J. Barber II and several activists were arrested Monday during a National Moral Monday protest outside the Hart Senate Office Building in Washington, D.C. The demonstration, organized by the Poor People’s Campaign, aimed to demand federal voting rights protections and economic reforms ahead of the 56th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act, organizers said.
Approximately 200 people, including Bishop William J. Barber II and other faith leaders, were arrested Monday during a National Moral Monday protest outside the Hart Senate Office Building in Washington, D.C., according to organizers with the Poor People’s Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. Those arrested were charged under District of Columbia law with “crowding, obstructing, or incommoding,” a misdemeanor offense commonly applied in protest-related arrests in the city. Capitol Police officials said the protesters were processed at the scene and released on their own recognizance.
A spokesperson for the U.S. Capitol Police confirmed that 204 individuals were taken into custody for “obstructing the roadway” on the 100 block of Constitution Avenue NE adjacent to the Senate office buildings.
The demonstration was a faith-led, nonviolent direct action involving clergy, faith leaders, and low-wage workers demanding federal voting rights protections and economic reforms. The protest began at Union Station, followed by a march that passed the U.S. Capitol and the U.S. Supreme Court before reaching the Hart Senate Office Building. Earlier in the day, Bishop Barber held a press conference on the Supreme Court steps to explain the focus on voting rights and opposition to voter suppression. Marchers were denied entry to the Senate office building and remained in the entrance area and adjacent street in deliberate civil disobedience. U.S. Capitol Police issued warnings to clear the street before beginning arrests; organizers noted at least one warning was given on Monday, compared to the usual three warnings at previous rallies.
In addition to Barber, who is president of Repairers of the Breach and co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign, other prominent figures arrested during the broader Moral Monday voting rights actions included Rev. Liz Theoharis, co-chair of the Poor People’s Campaign, and civil rights leader Rev. Jesse Jackson, according to campaign officials. The protest involved thousands of clergy and low-wage workers representing a coalition of faith communities and social justice organizations. Organizers described the arrests as part of a continuing series of Moral Monday actions, a movement founded by Barber in North Carolina in 2013 that uses civil disobedience to challenge voter suppression, poverty, and anti-democratic policies.
Protesters demanded that Congress restore and strengthen the Voting Rights Act, tying their deadline to Aug. 6, the 56th anniversary of the Act’s passage. They called for passage of the For the People Act, a comprehensive voting and ethics bill designed to expand voting access and counter new state-level voting restrictions. A key demand was ending or abolishing the Senate filibuster, which activists said was being used to block voting rights and democracy reforms. Protesters also pressed for an increase in the federal minimum wage to $15 per hour, linking economic justice to voting rights. Additional demands included fair treatment of approximately 11 million immigrants in the United States and an in-person meeting between President Joe Biden and a diverse delegation of poor and low-wage workers, clergy, economists, and civil rights lawyers.
Barber and other faith leaders sought to meet directly with Senate leaders inside the Hart Senate Office Building to voice opposition to voter suppression and specific legislation. They reportedly attempted to meet with Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., regarding voting rights and the SAVE America Act. The Poor People’s Campaign said it had formally requested meetings with Senators Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., Kyrsten Sinema, D-Ariz., and Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., whom they viewed as pivotal in blocking voting rights and filibuster reform. Protesters were denied entrance to the Senate office building, which organizers cited as justification for engaging in civil disobedience.
The Poor People’s Campaign characterized the National Moral Monday protest as one of the largest days of arrests in Washington during a nonviolent direct action focused on voting rights and economic justice. Demonstrators sang hymns and chanted phrases such as “Everyone has the right to live,” framing the issues as moral and spiritual imperatives. Barber and other leaders linked voter suppression, poverty, low wages, and anti-immigrant policies as interconnected crises, arguing that Congress was neglecting impoverished communities. The movement’s messaging emphasized that the actions were nonviolent and intended to dramatize Senate inaction on democracy reforms.
The National Moral Monday action is rooted in the Moral Monday movement founded by Barber in 2013 in North Carolina. The Poor People’s Campaign and Repairers of the Breach have used similar tactics of civil disobedience and arrests in protests against budgets, voting restrictions, and policies affecting poor communities. The timing of Monday’s protest was explicitly linked to the upcoming 56th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act on Aug. 6, with organizers setting that date as a deadline for Senate action on voting rights legislation.
The Royal Banquet Hall on West Gate City Boulevard in Greensboro was shut down Sunday after a shooting injured nine people shortly before 2 a.m., officials said. The closure followed a safety review prompted by the incident, which occurred during a party and came after earlier police responses to reports of underage drinking and a possible weapon at the venue.
The shooting occurred at approximately 1:50 a.m. Sunday inside the Royal Banquet Hall, located in the 3800 block of West Gate City Boulevard in Greensboro, according to the Greensboro Police Department. The victims include four teenagers—one 15-year-old and three 17-year-olds—with the remaining victims described as mostly older teens and young adults. Police and city officials reported that all nine victims are expected to recover, although two remained hospitalized with serious injuries as of the afternoon of August 3, 2026.
Nine people were struck by gunfire during a party, officials said.
Multiple 911 calls reported an active shooting with several victims inside the banquet hall. When officers arrived, they initially did not find victims at the scene; instead, victims began arriving at local hospitals by private means shortly after the incident, according to Assistant Police Chief Ric Alston. Emergency Medical Services treated at least one person for a graze wound at the scene, but that individual was not transported by EMS, officials said.
Earlier the same night, police had responded to the Royal Banquet Hall following reports of underage drinking and a possible weapon on the premises. However, officers found no evidence of those complaints during that call, according to Greensboro Police and local media reports. The shooting and the prior police response prompted a safety review by city and law enforcement officials, which led to the closure of the banquet hall on Sunday pending further investigation and assessment, city communications confirmed.
The Greensboro Police Department described the shooting as a targeted incident but have not publicly disclosed a specific motive. Two men were taken into custody near the scene shortly after officers arrived, police said. On August 3, the department identified the suspects as Carlos Withers, 21, and Edward Trey Lindsay III, 24, both of High Point. Withers was charged with going armed to the terror of the people, discharge of a firearm within city limits, and injury to personal property. Lindsay was charged with going armed to the terror of the people, according to police and court records available through Guilford County eCourts.
Police emphasized that these charges relate to the two men apprehended near the shooting and that the investigation remains active and ongoing to determine who fired the shots that injured nine individuals inside the banquet hall. Detectives are reviewing evidence, including video footage, to establish the roles of those involved, officials said.
City Manager Trey Davis issued a statement saying the shooting has “shaken our community” and expressed his thoughts for the injured and their families. The city’s August 3 update noted that the victims, mostly older teens and young adults, would require ongoing support due to the trauma of the event. The city’s Victim Services unit and the Office of Community Engagement’s faith partners have been assigned to assist victims and their families, according to city officials.
Police Chief Cameron Apsel and Assistant Chief Ric Alston stressed the importance of gathering facts and evidence carefully before releasing further information about the suspects’ motives and involvement. Authorities have also urged parents to monitor their children’s whereabouts, particularly late at night, given the involvement of minors in the incident.
The Greensboro Police Department has requested that anyone with information, including video recordings, contact Greensboro/Guilford Crime Stoppers. City communications assured that tipsters’ identities will remain confidential.
The shooting and prior police calls have raised concerns about event management, security, and youth safety at the Royal Banquet Hall. The venue’s closure follows a broader safety review by city and law enforcement officials. Local officials have referenced the incident within ongoing efforts to address gun violence and youth safety in Greensboro, indicating potential regulatory scrutiny of similar venues.
As the investigation continues, authorities are conducting safety assessments of the banquet hall while pursuing leads related to the shooting. Further updates are expected as police gather additional evidence and determine whether more charges will be filed.
The Royal Banquet Hall on West Gate City Boulevard in Greensboro was shut down Sunday after a shooting injured nine people shortly before 2 a.m., officials said. The closure followed a safety review prompted by the incident, which occurred during a party and came after earlier police responses to reports of underage drinking and a possible weapon at the venue.
The shooting occurred at approximately 1:50 a.m. Sunday inside the Royal Banquet Hall, located in the 3800 block of West Gate City Boulevard in Greensboro, according to the Greensboro Police Department. The victims include four teenagers—one 15-year-old and three 17-year-olds—with the remaining victims described as mostly older teens and young adults. Police and city officials reported that all nine victims are expected to recover, although two remained hospitalized with serious injuries as of the afternoon of August 3, 2026.
Nine people were struck by gunfire during a party, officials said.
Multiple 911 calls reported an active shooting with several victims inside the banquet hall. When officers arrived, they initially did not find victims at the scene; instead, victims began arriving at local hospitals by private means shortly after the incident, according to Assistant Police Chief Ric Alston. Emergency Medical Services treated at least one person for a graze wound at the scene, but that individual was not transported by EMS, officials said.
Earlier the same night, police had responded to the Royal Banquet Hall following reports of underage drinking and a possible weapon on the premises. However, officers found no evidence of those complaints during that call, according to Greensboro Police and local media reports. The shooting and the prior police response prompted a safety review by city and law enforcement officials, which led to the closure of the banquet hall on Sunday pending further investigation and assessment, city communications confirmed.
The Greensboro Police Department described the shooting as a targeted incident but have not publicly disclosed a specific motive. Two men were taken into custody near the scene shortly after officers arrived, police said. On August 3, the department identified the suspects as Carlos Withers, 21, and Edward Trey Lindsay III, 24, both of High Point. Withers was charged with going armed to the terror of the people, discharge of a firearm within city limits, and injury to personal property. Lindsay was charged with going armed to the terror of the people, according to police and court records available through Guilford County eCourts.
Police emphasized that these charges relate to the two men apprehended near the shooting and that the investigation remains active and ongoing to determine who fired the shots that injured nine individuals inside the banquet hall. Detectives are reviewing evidence, including video footage, to establish the roles of those involved, officials said.
City Manager Trey Davis issued a statement saying the shooting has “shaken our community” and expressed his thoughts for the injured and their families. The city’s August 3 update noted that the victims, mostly older teens and young adults, would require ongoing support due to the trauma of the event. The city’s Victim Services unit and the Office of Community Engagement’s faith partners have been assigned to assist victims and their families, according to city officials.
Police Chief Cameron Apsel and Assistant Chief Ric Alston stressed the importance of gathering facts and evidence carefully before releasing further information about the suspects’ motives and involvement. Authorities have also urged parents to monitor their children’s whereabouts, particularly late at night, given the involvement of minors in the incident.
The Greensboro Police Department has requested that anyone with information, including video recordings, contact Greensboro/Guilford Crime Stoppers. City communications assured that tipsters’ identities will remain confidential.
The shooting and prior police calls have raised concerns about event management, security, and youth safety at the Royal Banquet Hall. The venue’s closure follows a broader safety review by city and law enforcement officials. Local officials have referenced the incident within ongoing efforts to address gun violence and youth safety in Greensboro, indicating potential regulatory scrutiny of similar venues.
As the investigation continues, authorities are conducting safety assessments of the banquet hall while pursuing leads related to the shooting. Further updates are expected as police gather additional evidence and determine whether more charges will be filed.
Staff Report
Source: Congressional correspondence (Sens. Warren, Wyden, Van Hollen, Blumenthal, Schiff; Rep. Lofgren); The New York Times; U.S. Department of Commerce
Does a conflict of interest exist when federal funds flow to a company tied to a cabinet member’s former firm? U.S. Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick supported up to $1.6 billion in federal aid for USA Rare Earth, a company whose private fundraising was managed by Cantor Fitzgerald. Lutnick led the investment bank for decades before transferring control to his sons.
Why This Isn’t Just About One Mining Company
The central question is not whether rare-earth mining should expand in the United States and allied jurisdictions. The central question is whether public industrial policy has been converted into a mechanism for channeling fees, equity upside, and strategic advantage toward the children of the officials overseeing that policy.
USA Rare Earth is the clearest flagship case because the elements are visible: a massive public commitment, a linked private fundraising, a placement agent controlled by the Secretary’s sons, a company that rapidly expanded after receiving federal backing, and congressional investigators now demanding records tied to conflicts and bribery concerns. Whether this proves to be sharp-elbowed cronyism or something more prosecutable will turn on the documents that Congress is now trying to force into the open.
Cantor Fitzgerald has defended its role by saying it had a longstanding commercial relationship with USAR before Lutnick joined the administration.
What the Records Would Prove — or Disprove
The key documents in this matter are likely to include ethics agreements, recusal memoranda, calendars, briefing notes, term sheets, internal scoring or recommendation documents, and engagement contracts between USAR and Cantor Fitzgerald. Those materials would help establish who participated in the selection of USAR, when Cantor interacted with Commerce, and whether internal safeguards were actually followed.
If the process was clean, those records should show meaningful separation between Commerce decision-makers and Cantor’s compensated fundraising role. If the process was not clean, the records may show overlap, pressure, selective access, or decision-making that materially advantaged entities tied to the families of senior officials.
Six Lawmakers Are Now Demanding the Paper Trail
Congressional investigators have now moved past general ethics complaints and are demanding the documentary record. Senators Elizabeth Warren, Ron Wyden, Chris Van Hollen, Richard Blumenthal, and Adam Schiff, joined by Representative Zoe Lofgren, sent letters seeking the transaction documents for the USAR deal, records of meetings between Cantor Fitzgerald and Commerce officials, and proof that Lutnick complied with recusal obligations.
The lawmakers wrote that the arrangement raises “serious questions about Secretary Lutnick’s exposure to federal conflicts of interest and bribery laws.” That phrasing is significant because it frames the inquiry not merely as an ethics matter but as a question of possible legal exposure under conflict-of-interest statutes and potentially broader public-corruption theories.
Lutnick had already resisted earlier efforts to obtain answers, and the newer letters therefore went directly to Cantor Fitzgerald and USA Rare Earth as well as to the Secretary. That approach is designed to obtain the paper trail even if the department itself remains uncooperative.
The Question Isn’t Rare Earths — It’s Who Profits
The controversy is not whether the United States should secure rare-earth and critical-mineral supply chains. Reporting and congressional statements show broad agreement that reducing reliance on Chinese and other foreign sources is a legitimate national-security objective. The issue is whether this specific structure allowed a Cabinet secretary’s family firm to collect fees on a transaction substantially enabled by that secretary’s department.
Senator Elizabeth Warren pressed USAR’s chief executive on why the company chose the Commerce Secretary’s family firm for the placement role. The company’s answer, quoted in subsequent reporting, was that its “best move was to go with the team who knew us,” pointing to a preexisting relationship between USAR and Cantor Fitzgerald.
Cantor has defended its role by saying it had a longstanding commercial relationship with USAR before Lutnick joined the administration and that it had no role in negotiating USAR’s arrangements with the federal government. That defense may address part of the optics problem, but it does not resolve whether Commerce officials, including Lutnick, were properly screened from decisions that could materially benefit the bank run by his sons.
Part of an $8.9 Billion Pattern Across 14 Companies
The New York Times reported that USA Rare Earth is part of a larger network of projects in which the Trump family and the Lutnick family have ties to at least 14 companies pursuing approximately $8.9 billion in federal support for critical-mineral ventures. Those projects span rare earths, tungsten, and related strategic materials promoted as essential to industrial policy and defense supply resilience.
The same reporting identified Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump as participants in mining ventures, including a tungsten project in Kazakhstan expected to benefit from major U.S. support. Brandon and Kyle Lutnick, meanwhile, are tied through Cantor Fitzgerald and related finance roles to dealmaking and fundraising around multiple projects in this federal push.
This pattern sharpens the concern. A single questionable transaction can be explained away as coincidence; a portfolio of family-linked transactions across nearly $9 billion in public support becomes evidence of a system worth formal investigation.
From Development-Stage Player to Fully Funded, Almost Overnight
Before landing the government-backed package, USA Rare Earth was widely viewed as a relatively small development-stage player rather than a fully integrated industrial champion. After securing the tentative federal commitment and private financing, the company accelerated expansion through acquisitions and operating deals in Brazil, the United Kingdom, and France.
That rapid transformation matters because government participation changes how investors price risk. Once Commerce is willing to fund, lend to, and sit on the cap table of a company, outside investors may treat the company as politically de-risked, making it easier to raise money, buy assets, and expand internationally.
A $1.6 Billion Package, With a Family Bank on the Fundraising Side
In January 2026, the Trump administration announced a tentative package worth up to $1.6 billion for USA Rare Earth (USAR), a company seeking to build domestic and allied supply chains for minerals used in defense systems, electric vehicles, and electronics. The package contemplated a federal equity stake of roughly 10 percent, though some congressional letters described the government position as potentially reaching 16 percent depending on structure and warrants.
To complete the transaction, USAR raised about $1.5 billion in private capital and selected Cantor Fitzgerald as lead placement agent. That decision drew scrutiny because Cantor is now chaired by Brandon Lutnick, with Kyle Lutnick serving in senior leadership, after their father Howard Lutnick entered government service.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the USA Rare Earth deal under investigation?
The USA Rare Earth deal is a tentative package worth up to $1.6 billion in federal support, including grants, loans, and an equity stake for the U.S. government in the company. To close the transaction, USA Rare Earth raised about $1.5 billion in private capital and hired Cantor Fitzgerald, chaired by Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick’s son, as lead placement agent.
Why are lawmakers concerned about Howard Lutnick and Cantor Fitzgerald?
Lawmakers are concerned because Howard Lutnick formerly led Cantor Fitzgerald, then transferred control to his sons when he entered government, while the bank later earned a central fee-generating role in a deal supported by the Commerce Department. Senators say that overlap raises serious questions about recusal compliance, conflicts of interest, and potential bribery-law exposure.
How is this connected to a larger critical-minerals pattern?
Investigative reporting found that at least 14 companies tied to Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump, and Howard Lutnick’s sons are seeking or receiving about $8.9 billion in federal support for critical-mineral projects. USA Rare Earth is one of the clearest examples because it combines direct federal backing with a private fundraising role for Cantor Fitzgerald.
What documents is Congress seeking now?
Congressional investigators are seeking transaction documents, meeting records between Cantor Fitzgerald and Commerce officials, ethics and recusal records for Secretary Lutnick, and related communications concerning the USA Rare Earth package. Those requests were sent to Lutnick, Cantor Fitzgerald, and USA Rare Earth.
What is the real issue in this case?
The real issue is not whether the United States should develop rare-earth and critical-mineral supply chains. The issue is whether taxpayer-backed industrial policy was structured in a way that allowed politically connected families to capture fees and upside from decisions made by their own relatives in government.
More Coverage:
→ Read this investigation on Arizona Daily Press
→ Coverage from Daily California Press
Staff Report
Source: Congressional correspondence (Sens. Warren, Wyden, Van Hollen, Blumenthal, Schiff; Rep. Lofgren); The New York Times; U.S. Department of Commerce
Does a conflict of interest exist when federal funds flow to a company tied to a cabinet member’s former firm? U.S. Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick supported up to $1.6 billion in federal aid for USA Rare Earth, a company whose private fundraising was managed by Cantor Fitzgerald. Lutnick led the investment bank for decades before transferring control to his sons.
Why This Isn’t Just About One Mining Company
The central question is not whether rare-earth mining should expand in the United States and allied jurisdictions. The central question is whether public industrial policy has been converted into a mechanism for channeling fees, equity upside, and strategic advantage toward the children of the officials overseeing that policy.
USA Rare Earth is the clearest flagship case because the elements are visible: a massive public commitment, a linked private fundraising, a placement agent controlled by the Secretary’s sons, a company that rapidly expanded after receiving federal backing, and congressional investigators now demanding records tied to conflicts and bribery concerns. Whether this proves to be sharp-elbowed cronyism or something more prosecutable will turn on the documents that Congress is now trying to force into the open.
Cantor Fitzgerald has defended its role by saying it had a longstanding commercial relationship with USAR before Lutnick joined the administration.
What the Records Would Prove — or Disprove
The key documents in this matter are likely to include ethics agreements, recusal memoranda, calendars, briefing notes, term sheets, internal scoring or recommendation documents, and engagement contracts between USAR and Cantor Fitzgerald. Those materials would help establish who participated in the selection of USAR, when Cantor interacted with Commerce, and whether internal safeguards were actually followed.
If the process was clean, those records should show meaningful separation between Commerce decision-makers and Cantor’s compensated fundraising role. If the process was not clean, the records may show overlap, pressure, selective access, or decision-making that materially advantaged entities tied to the families of senior officials.
Six Lawmakers Are Now Demanding the Paper Trail
Congressional investigators have now moved past general ethics complaints and are demanding the documentary record. Senators Elizabeth Warren, Ron Wyden, Chris Van Hollen, Richard Blumenthal, and Adam Schiff, joined by Representative Zoe Lofgren, sent letters seeking the transaction documents for the USAR deal, records of meetings between Cantor Fitzgerald and Commerce officials, and proof that Lutnick complied with recusal obligations.
The lawmakers wrote that the arrangement raises “serious questions about Secretary Lutnick’s exposure to federal conflicts of interest and bribery laws.” That phrasing is significant because it frames the inquiry not merely as an ethics matter but as a question of possible legal exposure under conflict-of-interest statutes and potentially broader public-corruption theories.
Lutnick had already resisted earlier efforts to obtain answers, and the newer letters therefore went directly to Cantor Fitzgerald and USA Rare Earth as well as to the Secretary. That approach is designed to obtain the paper trail even if the department itself remains uncooperative.
The Question Isn’t Rare Earths — It’s Who Profits
The controversy is not whether the United States should secure rare-earth and critical-mineral supply chains. Reporting and congressional statements show broad agreement that reducing reliance on Chinese and other foreign sources is a legitimate national-security objective. The issue is whether this specific structure allowed a Cabinet secretary’s family firm to collect fees on a transaction substantially enabled by that secretary’s department.
Senator Elizabeth Warren pressed USAR’s chief executive on why the company chose the Commerce Secretary’s family firm for the placement role. The company’s answer, quoted in subsequent reporting, was that its “best move was to go with the team who knew us,” pointing to a preexisting relationship between USAR and Cantor Fitzgerald.
Cantor has defended its role by saying it had a longstanding commercial relationship with USAR before Lutnick joined the administration and that it had no role in negotiating USAR’s arrangements with the federal government. That defense may address part of the optics problem, but it does not resolve whether Commerce officials, including Lutnick, were properly screened from decisions that could materially benefit the bank run by his sons.
Part of an $8.9 Billion Pattern Across 14 Companies
The New York Times reported that USA Rare Earth is part of a larger network of projects in which the Trump family and the Lutnick family have ties to at least 14 companies pursuing approximately $8.9 billion in federal support for critical-mineral ventures. Those projects span rare earths, tungsten, and related strategic materials promoted as essential to industrial policy and defense supply resilience.
The same reporting identified Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump as participants in mining ventures, including a tungsten project in Kazakhstan expected to benefit from major U.S. support. Brandon and Kyle Lutnick, meanwhile, are tied through Cantor Fitzgerald and related finance roles to dealmaking and fundraising around multiple projects in this federal push.
This pattern sharpens the concern. A single questionable transaction can be explained away as coincidence; a portfolio of family-linked transactions across nearly $9 billion in public support becomes evidence of a system worth formal investigation.
From Development-Stage Player to Fully Funded, Almost Overnight
Before landing the government-backed package, USA Rare Earth was widely viewed as a relatively small development-stage player rather than a fully integrated industrial champion. After securing the tentative federal commitment and private financing, the company accelerated expansion through acquisitions and operating deals in Brazil, the United Kingdom, and France.
That rapid transformation matters because government participation changes how investors price risk. Once Commerce is willing to fund, lend to, and sit on the cap table of a company, outside investors may treat the company as politically de-risked, making it easier to raise money, buy assets, and expand internationally.
A $1.6 Billion Package, With a Family Bank on the Fundraising Side
In January 2026, the Trump administration announced a tentative package worth up to $1.6 billion for USA Rare Earth (USAR), a company seeking to build domestic and allied supply chains for minerals used in defense systems, electric vehicles, and electronics. The package contemplated a federal equity stake of roughly 10 percent, though some congressional letters described the government position as potentially reaching 16 percent depending on structure and warrants.
To complete the transaction, USAR raised about $1.5 billion in private capital and selected Cantor Fitzgerald as lead placement agent. That decision drew scrutiny because Cantor is now chaired by Brandon Lutnick, with Kyle Lutnick serving in senior leadership, after their father Howard Lutnick entered government service.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the USA Rare Earth deal under investigation?
The USA Rare Earth deal is a tentative package worth up to $1.6 billion in federal support, including grants, loans, and an equity stake for the U.S. government in the company. To close the transaction, USA Rare Earth raised about $1.5 billion in private capital and hired Cantor Fitzgerald, chaired by Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick’s son, as lead placement agent.
Why are lawmakers concerned about Howard Lutnick and Cantor Fitzgerald?
Lawmakers are concerned because Howard Lutnick formerly led Cantor Fitzgerald, then transferred control to his sons when he entered government, while the bank later earned a central fee-generating role in a deal supported by the Commerce Department. Senators say that overlap raises serious questions about recusal compliance, conflicts of interest, and potential bribery-law exposure.
How is this connected to a larger critical-minerals pattern?
Investigative reporting found that at least 14 companies tied to Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump, and Howard Lutnick’s sons are seeking or receiving about $8.9 billion in federal support for critical-mineral projects. USA Rare Earth is one of the clearest examples because it combines direct federal backing with a private fundraising role for Cantor Fitzgerald.
What documents is Congress seeking now?
Congressional investigators are seeking transaction documents, meeting records between Cantor Fitzgerald and Commerce officials, ethics and recusal records for Secretary Lutnick, and related communications concerning the USA Rare Earth package. Those requests were sent to Lutnick, Cantor Fitzgerald, and USA Rare Earth.
What is the real issue in this case?
The real issue is not whether the United States should develop rare-earth and critical-mineral supply chains. The issue is whether taxpayer-backed industrial policy was structured in a way that allowed politically connected families to capture fees and upside from decisions made by their own relatives in government.
More Coverage:
→ Read this investigation on Arizona Daily Press
→ Coverage from Daily California Press
Staff Report
Source: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Public Affairs (Press Release No. 26-873)
The guilty plea of Antonio Oseguera Cervantes, 67, marks the latest legal setback for the leadership network built around the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generación. The Michoacán native admitted Friday to conspiracy to import cocaine and methamphetamine into the U.S. while possessing a firearm. According to the Justice Department, Oseguera Cervantes is the brother of the now-deceased CJNG co-founder Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, alias “El Mencho.”
Who’s Handling the Case
Assistant Attorney General A. Tysen Duva of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division and DEA Administrator Terrance C. Cole announced the guilty plea. The DEA’s Special Operations Division Bilateral Investigations Unit in Los Angeles investigated the case. It is being prosecuted by Chief Kaitlin Sahni of the Criminal Division’s Narcotic and Dangerous Drug Unit, along with Trial Attorneys Lernik Begian, Douglas Meisel, and Nicole Lockhart of the Money Laundering, Narcotics and Forfeiture Section.
Oseguera Cervantes faces a mandatory minimum penalty of 15 years in prison and a maximum penalty of two consecutive life sentences.
What He Pleaded Guilty To
Oseguera Cervantes pleaded guilty to conspiracy to distribute five kilograms or more of cocaine and 500 grams or more of methamphetamine destined for the United States, as well as using, carrying, and possessing a firearm in furtherance of that drug trafficking conspiracy.
Transferred From Mexico in 2025
The Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs assisted with Oseguera Cervantes’ February 2025 transfer from Mexico to the United States under Mexico’s National Security law. The department credited the Government of Mexico for its assistance in securing his presence in the U.S. for prosecution.
Mandatory Minimum of 15 Years
He is scheduled to be sentenced Nov. 13 and faces a mandatory minimum penalty of 15 years in prison and a maximum penalty of two consecutive life sentences. A federal district court judge will determine the final sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.
Two Decades Moving Narcotics North
According to court documents, Oseguera Cervantes trafficked cocaine and methamphetamine into the United States for Mexico-based cartels for more than 20 years. From roughly 2002 to 2010, he operated as a member of the Milenio Cartel in Jalisco, Mexico, where prosecutors say he oversaw narcotics sales, protected territory from rival cartels, and supervised methamphetamine laboratories.
Reporting Directly to ‘El Mencho’
Court filings state that since around 2010, Oseguera Cervantes worked with and reported directly to his brother, who co-founded and led CJNG — one of the most prolific and dangerous drug cartels in Mexico, based in Jalisco and responsible for trafficking multi-tonnage quantities of cocaine and methamphetamine into the United States. Prosecutors say Oseguera Cervantes supplied precursor chemicals to CJNG methamphetamine laboratories, distributed cocaine and methamphetamine for the cartel, collected drug proceeds, and managed CJNG money-laundering activity, including transferring drug proceeds from the United States to Mexico through currency exchange locations. He armed himself with a pistol when collecting proceeds or attending meetings to discuss trafficking, according to the filings.
Part of a Broader Cartel Crackdown
The case falls under the Homeland Security Task Force initiative established by Executive Order 14159, a whole-of-government effort targeting cartels, transnational criminal organizations, and smuggling and trafficking networks operating in the U.S. and abroad. The Justice Department’s Money Laundering, Narcotics and Forfeiture Section says its mission includes dismantling the financial networks and command structures of international drug trafficking organizations. (DOJ Press Release No. 26-873)
More Coverage:
→ Read this investigation on Arizona Daily Press
→ Coverage from Daily California Press
Staff Report
Source: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Public Affairs (Press Release No. 26-873)
The guilty plea of Antonio Oseguera Cervantes, 67, marks the latest legal setback for the leadership network built around the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generación. The Michoacán native admitted Friday to conspiracy to import cocaine and methamphetamine into the U.S. while possessing a firearm. According to the Justice Department, Oseguera Cervantes is the brother of the now-deceased CJNG co-founder Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, alias “El Mencho.”
Who’s Handling the Case
Assistant Attorney General A. Tysen Duva of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division and DEA Administrator Terrance C. Cole announced the guilty plea. The DEA’s Special Operations Division Bilateral Investigations Unit in Los Angeles investigated the case. It is being prosecuted by Chief Kaitlin Sahni of the Criminal Division’s Narcotic and Dangerous Drug Unit, along with Trial Attorneys Lernik Begian, Douglas Meisel, and Nicole Lockhart of the Money Laundering, Narcotics and Forfeiture Section.
Oseguera Cervantes faces a mandatory minimum penalty of 15 years in prison and a maximum penalty of two consecutive life sentences.
What He Pleaded Guilty To
Oseguera Cervantes pleaded guilty to conspiracy to distribute five kilograms or more of cocaine and 500 grams or more of methamphetamine destined for the United States, as well as using, carrying, and possessing a firearm in furtherance of that drug trafficking conspiracy.
Transferred From Mexico in 2025
The Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs assisted with Oseguera Cervantes’ February 2025 transfer from Mexico to the United States under Mexico’s National Security law. The department credited the Government of Mexico for its assistance in securing his presence in the U.S. for prosecution.
Mandatory Minimum of 15 Years
He is scheduled to be sentenced Nov. 13 and faces a mandatory minimum penalty of 15 years in prison and a maximum penalty of two consecutive life sentences. A federal district court judge will determine the final sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.
Two Decades Moving Narcotics North
According to court documents, Oseguera Cervantes trafficked cocaine and methamphetamine into the United States for Mexico-based cartels for more than 20 years. From roughly 2002 to 2010, he operated as a member of the Milenio Cartel in Jalisco, Mexico, where prosecutors say he oversaw narcotics sales, protected territory from rival cartels, and supervised methamphetamine laboratories.
Reporting Directly to ‘El Mencho’
Court filings state that since around 2010, Oseguera Cervantes worked with and reported directly to his brother, who co-founded and led CJNG — one of the most prolific and dangerous drug cartels in Mexico, based in Jalisco and responsible for trafficking multi-tonnage quantities of cocaine and methamphetamine into the United States. Prosecutors say Oseguera Cervantes supplied precursor chemicals to CJNG methamphetamine laboratories, distributed cocaine and methamphetamine for the cartel, collected drug proceeds, and managed CJNG money-laundering activity, including transferring drug proceeds from the United States to Mexico through currency exchange locations. He armed himself with a pistol when collecting proceeds or attending meetings to discuss trafficking, according to the filings.
Part of a Broader Cartel Crackdown
The case falls under the Homeland Security Task Force initiative established by Executive Order 14159, a whole-of-government effort targeting cartels, transnational criminal organizations, and smuggling and trafficking networks operating in the U.S. and abroad. The Justice Department’s Money Laundering, Narcotics and Forfeiture Section says its mission includes dismantling the financial networks and command structures of international drug trafficking organizations. (DOJ Press Release No. 26-873)
More Coverage:
→ Read this investigation on Arizona Daily Press
→ Coverage from Daily California Press
Raleigh police arrested 17-year-old Kenna Daughtry on July 18 in Goldsboro in connection with a July 5 shooting at a gas station on Capital Boulevard. According to officials, Daughtry faces charges including assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill and discharging a weapon into occupied property as part of the investigations into the July 4 weekend “teen takeover” violence.
Detectives with the Raleigh Police Department obtained an arrest warrant for Kenna Daughtry on July 17 in connection with a shooting that occurred at a gas station in the 800 block of Capital Boulevard around 4:30 a.m. on July 5. Raleigh police said Daughtry was taken into custody on July 18 in Goldsboro with assistance from the Goldsboro Police Department. Although 17 years old, Daughtry was processed as an adult before being transported to the Pitt County Juvenile Detention Center. Officials confirmed that this arrest is directly tied to one of the July 4 weekend shootings linked to the broader “teen takeover” violence in Raleigh.
This arrest marks the fourth shooting investigation connected to the July 4 weekend incidents to be cleared by arrest, with five juveniles now charged, according to Raleigh police.
Daughtry faces multiple charges, including assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill inflicting serious injury, discharging a weapon into occupied property, going armed to the terror of the public, possession of a firearm by a minor, and discharging a firearm within city limits. Raleigh police described the shooting as one that caused non-life-threatening injuries to two people at the gas station.
The investigations remain ongoing, and officials have urged anyone with information about the shootings to contact Raleigh police or submit anonymous tips through Raleigh Crime Stoppers.
The July 4 weekend violence began around 10:30 p.m. on July 4 at Brier Creek, where approximately 3,000 teenagers gathered near a movie theater and nearby stores, according to police reports. A shooting at Brier Creek left two adults injured, one by gunfire and another by shattered glass. Around 1:34 a.m. on July 5, officers responded to multiple shootings in and around the Glenwood South entertainment district. Later that morning, the Capital Boulevard shooting occurred, leaving two people with non-life-threatening injuries. Raleigh police said a total of nine people were shot during the teen takeover-related incidents, with all victims expected to recover.
In addition to Daughtry, Raleigh police arrested several other juveniles in connection with the July 4 shootings. A 16-year-old was arrested for a shooting in the 10 block of Glenwood Avenue around 2:30 a.m. on July 5 and charged with felony riot, possession of a firearm by a minor, and discharging a firearm within city limits. Another 16-year-old was taken into custody under a secure custody order related to a shooting in the 600 block of Glenwood Avenue around 1:30 a.m. that day. That teen faces two counts of assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill inflicting serious injury, going armed to the terror of the public, possession of a firearm by a minor, and three counts of discharging a firearm within city limits. A third 16-year-old was arrested and charged as an adult for a Brier Creek shooting, facing assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill, discharging a weapon into an occupied motor vehicle (two counts), felony riot, possession of a firearm by a minor, and going armed to the terror of the public. Police have filed juvenile petitions for four juveniles related to shootings at Brier Creek and Glenwood South, separate from adult court processing for at least one 16-year-old.
The broader law enforcement response included 29 arrests related to the July 4 weekend incidents, according to Police Chief Rico Boyce during a presentation to the Raleigh City Council. Wake County records show more than 23 adults were arrested on or near Glenwood South between midnight and 3 a.m. Sunday following the chaotic teen takeovers. Court documents indicate at least 27 people aged 18 to 24 face 47 charges stemming from the Glenwood South situation, including offenses ranging from simple affray to assaulting a police officer. Raleigh police maintained that, in addition to the nine people hurt in shootings, a larger group faced non-shooting charges related to disorderly conduct and other offenses.
Following the incidents, Raleigh police increased their presence in key areas affected by the unrest and arrested another teenager believed to have fired a gun at vehicles in Brier Creek. Officials said additional arrests are expected as the investigation continues. Police and city leaders have described the events as a significant public safety challenge involving large, loosely organized youth gatherings. In response to the violence and arrests, the Raleigh City Council has begun considering a youth curfew, according to police and local media reports.
Raleigh police have emphasized that the investigation into the teen takeover shootings remains active. Officials confirmed that everyone injured in the shootings at Brier Creek, Glenwood South, and Capital Boulevard is expected to recover. Authorities continue to request community cooperation and information to identify any remaining suspects tied to the July 4 shootings.
Raleigh police arrested 17-year-old Kenna Daughtry on July 18 in Goldsboro in connection with a July 5 shooting at a gas station on Capital Boulevard. According to officials, Daughtry faces charges including assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill and discharging a weapon into occupied property as part of the investigations into the July 4 weekend “teen takeover” violence.
Detectives with the Raleigh Police Department obtained an arrest warrant for Kenna Daughtry on July 17 in connection with a shooting that occurred at a gas station in the 800 block of Capital Boulevard around 4:30 a.m. on July 5. Raleigh police said Daughtry was taken into custody on July 18 in Goldsboro with assistance from the Goldsboro Police Department. Although 17 years old, Daughtry was processed as an adult before being transported to the Pitt County Juvenile Detention Center. Officials confirmed that this arrest is directly tied to one of the July 4 weekend shootings linked to the broader “teen takeover” violence in Raleigh.
This arrest marks the fourth shooting investigation connected to the July 4 weekend incidents to be cleared by arrest, with five juveniles now charged, according to Raleigh police.
Daughtry faces multiple charges, including assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill inflicting serious injury, discharging a weapon into occupied property, going armed to the terror of the public, possession of a firearm by a minor, and discharging a firearm within city limits. Raleigh police described the shooting as one that caused non-life-threatening injuries to two people at the gas station.
The investigations remain ongoing, and officials have urged anyone with information about the shootings to contact Raleigh police or submit anonymous tips through Raleigh Crime Stoppers.
The July 4 weekend violence began around 10:30 p.m. on July 4 at Brier Creek, where approximately 3,000 teenagers gathered near a movie theater and nearby stores, according to police reports. A shooting at Brier Creek left two adults injured, one by gunfire and another by shattered glass. Around 1:34 a.m. on July 5, officers responded to multiple shootings in and around the Glenwood South entertainment district. Later that morning, the Capital Boulevard shooting occurred, leaving two people with non-life-threatening injuries. Raleigh police said a total of nine people were shot during the teen takeover-related incidents, with all victims expected to recover.
In addition to Daughtry, Raleigh police arrested several other juveniles in connection with the July 4 shootings. A 16-year-old was arrested for a shooting in the 10 block of Glenwood Avenue around 2:30 a.m. on July 5 and charged with felony riot, possession of a firearm by a minor, and discharging a firearm within city limits. Another 16-year-old was taken into custody under a secure custody order related to a shooting in the 600 block of Glenwood Avenue around 1:30 a.m. that day. That teen faces two counts of assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill inflicting serious injury, going armed to the terror of the public, possession of a firearm by a minor, and three counts of discharging a firearm within city limits. A third 16-year-old was arrested and charged as an adult for a Brier Creek shooting, facing assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill, discharging a weapon into an occupied motor vehicle (two counts), felony riot, possession of a firearm by a minor, and going armed to the terror of the public. Police have filed juvenile petitions for four juveniles related to shootings at Brier Creek and Glenwood South, separate from adult court processing for at least one 16-year-old.
The broader law enforcement response included 29 arrests related to the July 4 weekend incidents, according to Police Chief Rico Boyce during a presentation to the Raleigh City Council. Wake County records show more than 23 adults were arrested on or near Glenwood South between midnight and 3 a.m. Sunday following the chaotic teen takeovers. Court documents indicate at least 27 people aged 18 to 24 face 47 charges stemming from the Glenwood South situation, including offenses ranging from simple affray to assaulting a police officer. Raleigh police maintained that, in addition to the nine people hurt in shootings, a larger group faced non-shooting charges related to disorderly conduct and other offenses.
Following the incidents, Raleigh police increased their presence in key areas affected by the unrest and arrested another teenager believed to have fired a gun at vehicles in Brier Creek. Officials said additional arrests are expected as the investigation continues. Police and city leaders have described the events as a significant public safety challenge involving large, loosely organized youth gatherings. In response to the violence and arrests, the Raleigh City Council has begun considering a youth curfew, according to police and local media reports.
Raleigh police have emphasized that the investigation into the teen takeover shootings remains active. Officials confirmed that everyone injured in the shootings at Brier Creek, Glenwood South, and Capital Boulevard is expected to recover. Authorities continue to request community cooperation and information to identify any remaining suspects tied to the July 4 shootings.
On May 1, 2025, North Carolina State Auditor Dave Boliek appointed new members to the State Board of Elections after a Republican Court of Appeals panel allowed the transfer of appointment power from Democratic Gov. Josh Stein. The shift, authorized under Senate Bill 382 and upheld during ongoing litigation, gave Boliek control over election boards and early voting, a move Democracy NC called a “partisan power grab,” according to the group.
The panel’s April 30 order allowed the transfer of appointment power from Democratic Gov. Josh Stein to Boliek, as established under Senate Bill 382. This shift temporarily strips the governor of the authority to select the five members of the State Board of Elections while litigation challenging the law continues, according to court documents and legislative records.
On May 1, 2025, State Auditor Dave Boliek exercised newly acquired authority to appoint members to the North Carolina State Board of Elections, following a ruling by an all-Republican panel of the North Carolina Court of Appeals.
The appeals court’s decision suspended a prior ruling by a Superior Court panel that had found the law unconstitutional, permitting Boliek to proceed with appointments despite ongoing legal challenges. Democracy NC criticized the court’s order as “anonymous” and issued without a hearing or written opinion, calling the move an “unprecedented governance restructure” and a “partisan power grab.” The group expressed concerns that the ruling enabled Boliek to flip control of the State Board and all 100 county boards from Democratic to Republican hands without transparent judicial review.
Under the new structure, Boliek holds authority not only to appoint members to the State Board but also to manage its budget and designate chairs for county election boards, directly influencing local election administration. NBC News reported that Boliek’s office has been actively involved in planning early voting at the county level for the November 2025 general election, collecting data and providing recommendations to county officials. Public records and meeting transcripts obtained by voting-rights advocates show that some county election officials have received guidance from Boliek’s office that raised concerns among Democrats and advocacy groups about potential partisan influence on local voting arrangements.
Democrats and voting-rights organizations have argued that Boliek is extending the traditional, finance-focused role of the auditor into areas that could advantage Republicans in a closely contested state. Democracy NC warned that the auditor-controlled appointment system risks undermining the checks and balances previously maintained when the governor appointed election board members.
In addition to the appointment changes, Boliek’s State Board of Elections has advanced proposed rules on voter identification exceptions and ballot rejection that could affect the counting of lawful votes. The proposed rules would permit a simple 3-2 majority of county board members to discard ballots cast by eligible voters who submitted legally authorized voter ID exception forms if the majority doubts the voter’s stated reason for lacking photo ID. The News & Observer reported that these rules entered a public comment period in early 2025 before a final vote. Common Cause North Carolina described the proposals as “dangerous,” warning they could enable partisan majorities on county boards to reject valid ballots based on subjective assessments.
House Bill 958, an omnibus elections measure passed by the North Carolina House on June 30, 2026, further expands Boliek’s oversight and restructures election administration. The bill, which received its first Senate reading on July 1, would convert over one-third of nonpartisan elections staff positions into political appointments, increasing partisan influence over election personnel. It also empowers Boliek to conduct post-election audits in counties of his choosing and mandates randomized audits of each county board at least once every six years. Voting-rights advocates have expressed concern that allowing a partisan auditor to select audit targets and direct corrective actions could lead to politically motivated scrutiny, even though audit results cannot be used to change certified election outcomes.
HB 958 also imposes direct restrictions on voting methods and voter participation. The bill bans ranked-choice voting statewide, prohibits election officials from actively encouraging voter turnout, and requires overseas voters to submit photocopies of identification with absentee ballots. It restricts voting rights for so-called “Never Residents”—adult children of North Carolinians born abroad who have never established residency in the state—and bans paid signature gathering for political petitions, which critics say could hinder grassroots ballot access efforts.
The legislation includes provisions that reduce transparency and public accountability. It expands the State Board’s ability to hire private attorneys for election-related legal disputes and exempts communications with those lawyers from public records laws. It also codifies a rule requiring ballots to be discarded if the voter dies before Election Day, a provision some critics argue unnecessarily invalidates votes cast by eligible individuals. Additionally, HB 958 relaxes campaign finance reporting requirements, reducing disclosure obligations that watchdog groups consider essential for tracking election-related spending.
The legal battle over Senate Bill 382 and related measures remains active. Gov. Josh Stein has challenged the transfer of appointment authority to Boliek in court, citing violations of the state constitution’s separation of powers. Republican legislative leaders and Boliek have defended the law as a legitimate restructuring aimed at improving election oversight. The North Carolina Court of Appeals continues to hear arguments, with potential for the state Supreme Court to issue a final ruling that could determine the long-term governance of election administration in North Carolina.
Observers have noted that Boliek’s expanded role and new oversight powers come at a time when North Carolina is a critical swing state in national elections. Voting-rights advocates and Democrats have voiced concerns that the combination of partisan appointment control, stricter voting rules, and reduced transparency may affect the fairness and integrity of future elections.
On May 1, 2025, North Carolina State Auditor Dave Boliek appointed new members to the State Board of Elections after a Republican Court of Appeals panel allowed the transfer of appointment power from Democratic Gov. Josh Stein. The shift, authorized under Senate Bill 382 and upheld during ongoing litigation, gave Boliek control over election boards and early voting, a move Democracy NC called a “partisan power grab,” according to the group.
The panel’s April 30 order allowed the transfer of appointment power from Democratic Gov. Josh Stein to Boliek, as established under Senate Bill 382. This shift temporarily strips the governor of the authority to select the five members of the State Board of Elections while litigation challenging the law continues, according to court documents and legislative records.
On May 1, 2025, State Auditor Dave Boliek exercised newly acquired authority to appoint members to the North Carolina State Board of Elections, following a ruling by an all-Republican panel of the North Carolina Court of Appeals.
The appeals court’s decision suspended a prior ruling by a Superior Court panel that had found the law unconstitutional, permitting Boliek to proceed with appointments despite ongoing legal challenges. Democracy NC criticized the court’s order as “anonymous” and issued without a hearing or written opinion, calling the move an “unprecedented governance restructure” and a “partisan power grab.” The group expressed concerns that the ruling enabled Boliek to flip control of the State Board and all 100 county boards from Democratic to Republican hands without transparent judicial review.
Under the new structure, Boliek holds authority not only to appoint members to the State Board but also to manage its budget and designate chairs for county election boards, directly influencing local election administration. NBC News reported that Boliek’s office has been actively involved in planning early voting at the county level for the November 2025 general election, collecting data and providing recommendations to county officials. Public records and meeting transcripts obtained by voting-rights advocates show that some county election officials have received guidance from Boliek’s office that raised concerns among Democrats and advocacy groups about potential partisan influence on local voting arrangements.
Democrats and voting-rights organizations have argued that Boliek is extending the traditional, finance-focused role of the auditor into areas that could advantage Republicans in a closely contested state. Democracy NC warned that the auditor-controlled appointment system risks undermining the checks and balances previously maintained when the governor appointed election board members.
In addition to the appointment changes, Boliek’s State Board of Elections has advanced proposed rules on voter identification exceptions and ballot rejection that could affect the counting of lawful votes. The proposed rules would permit a simple 3-2 majority of county board members to discard ballots cast by eligible voters who submitted legally authorized voter ID exception forms if the majority doubts the voter’s stated reason for lacking photo ID. The News & Observer reported that these rules entered a public comment period in early 2025 before a final vote. Common Cause North Carolina described the proposals as “dangerous,” warning they could enable partisan majorities on county boards to reject valid ballots based on subjective assessments.
House Bill 958, an omnibus elections measure passed by the North Carolina House on June 30, 2026, further expands Boliek’s oversight and restructures election administration. The bill, which received its first Senate reading on July 1, would convert over one-third of nonpartisan elections staff positions into political appointments, increasing partisan influence over election personnel. It also empowers Boliek to conduct post-election audits in counties of his choosing and mandates randomized audits of each county board at least once every six years. Voting-rights advocates have expressed concern that allowing a partisan auditor to select audit targets and direct corrective actions could lead to politically motivated scrutiny, even though audit results cannot be used to change certified election outcomes.
HB 958 also imposes direct restrictions on voting methods and voter participation. The bill bans ranked-choice voting statewide, prohibits election officials from actively encouraging voter turnout, and requires overseas voters to submit photocopies of identification with absentee ballots. It restricts voting rights for so-called “Never Residents”—adult children of North Carolinians born abroad who have never established residency in the state—and bans paid signature gathering for political petitions, which critics say could hinder grassroots ballot access efforts.
The legislation includes provisions that reduce transparency and public accountability. It expands the State Board’s ability to hire private attorneys for election-related legal disputes and exempts communications with those lawyers from public records laws. It also codifies a rule requiring ballots to be discarded if the voter dies before Election Day, a provision some critics argue unnecessarily invalidates votes cast by eligible individuals. Additionally, HB 958 relaxes campaign finance reporting requirements, reducing disclosure obligations that watchdog groups consider essential for tracking election-related spending.
The legal battle over Senate Bill 382 and related measures remains active. Gov. Josh Stein has challenged the transfer of appointment authority to Boliek in court, citing violations of the state constitution’s separation of powers. Republican legislative leaders and Boliek have defended the law as a legitimate restructuring aimed at improving election oversight. The North Carolina Court of Appeals continues to hear arguments, with potential for the state Supreme Court to issue a final ruling that could determine the long-term governance of election administration in North Carolina.
Observers have noted that Boliek’s expanded role and new oversight powers come at a time when North Carolina is a critical swing state in national elections. Voting-rights advocates and Democrats have voiced concerns that the combination of partisan appointment control, stricter voting rules, and reduced transparency may affect the fairness and integrity of future elections.
About 100 protesters marched through Wilmington on July 16, 2026, demanding accountability for the police officers involved in the fatal shooting of 19-year-old Kadir Skinner. According to organizers and community leaders, demonstrators called for the release of body-camera footage, an independent investigation, and greater transparency surrounding the circumstances of Skinner’s death.
The protest on July 16 followed earlier demonstrations, including a June 30 march from Rodney Square to the Elbert N. Carvel State Building organized by the Village Black Caucus, according to event organizers. Demonstrators have consistently demanded the release of body-camera footage, an independent investigation, and transparency regarding the circumstances surrounding Skinner’s death. The Delaware NAACP also issued statements calling for full disclosure and accountability, urging officials to release all evidence and conduct an independent review.
According to police reports, Skinner emerged from a home holding a gun and pointed it toward a large crowd before fleeing on foot.
Wilmington police said the shooting occurred in the area of 24th and Jessup streets. An officer pursued Skinner and discharged a weapon, fatally wounding him. Police confirmed that Skinner was taken to a hospital where he later died. A loaded firearm was recovered at the scene, and the officer involved was not injured, officials said.
Following the shooting, Wilmington Mayor John Carney and Police Chief Wilfredo Campos urged the public for patience as investigations proceeded. Campos confirmed there are two ongoing investigations: one internal review by the Wilmington Police Department and a separate inquiry led by the Delaware Department of Justice. Both officials encouraged anyone with video or information related to the incident to come forward.
The release of body-camera footage has been a focal point of the protests. NBC Philadelphia reported that demonstrators began demanding the release nearly a week after the shooting, and FOX 29 covered protests that followed the police department’s eventual release of the footage. During a live report after the video was made public, protesters called for the officer involved to be charged, fired, and convicted. Skinner’s family lawyers have also urged peaceful protests in response to the footage.
Additional protests have occurred since the July 16 march. On July 19, another demonstration took place in the afternoon, with participants again demanding accountability for the officers involved. NBC Philadelphia noted a separate march on a Tuesday after the shooting, which began at Rodney Square and ended at Wilmington police headquarters. Protesters have organized food and water distribution during gatherings, according to FOX 29.
Community leaders, elected officials, and faith leaders have joined calls for transparency and justice, reflecting broader concerns about police practices in Wilmington. The protests have drawn dozens to around 100 participants at various times, demonstrating sustained public interest and concern. Organizers and community members have emphasized the need for public explanations about the evidence and the investigation.
The demonstrations have taken place amid challenging conditions, including a hot night with wildfire smoke in the air during the July 16 march, according to organizers. The series of protests represents an ongoing response to the police-involved shooting of 19-year-old Skinner, with repeated calls for evidence release and accountability continuing into late July 2026. Officials have not yet publicly resolved the case, and investigations remain active.
About 100 protesters marched through Wilmington on July 16, 2026, demanding accountability for the police officers involved in the fatal shooting of 19-year-old Kadir Skinner. According to organizers and community leaders, demonstrators called for the release of body-camera footage, an independent investigation, and greater transparency surrounding the circumstances of Skinner’s death.
The protest on July 16 followed earlier demonstrations, including a June 30 march from Rodney Square to the Elbert N. Carvel State Building organized by the Village Black Caucus, according to event organizers. Demonstrators have consistently demanded the release of body-camera footage, an independent investigation, and transparency regarding the circumstances surrounding Skinner’s death. The Delaware NAACP also issued statements calling for full disclosure and accountability, urging officials to release all evidence and conduct an independent review.
According to police reports, Skinner emerged from a home holding a gun and pointed it toward a large crowd before fleeing on foot.
Wilmington police said the shooting occurred in the area of 24th and Jessup streets. An officer pursued Skinner and discharged a weapon, fatally wounding him. Police confirmed that Skinner was taken to a hospital where he later died. A loaded firearm was recovered at the scene, and the officer involved was not injured, officials said.
Following the shooting, Wilmington Mayor John Carney and Police Chief Wilfredo Campos urged the public for patience as investigations proceeded. Campos confirmed there are two ongoing investigations: one internal review by the Wilmington Police Department and a separate inquiry led by the Delaware Department of Justice. Both officials encouraged anyone with video or information related to the incident to come forward.
The release of body-camera footage has been a focal point of the protests. NBC Philadelphia reported that demonstrators began demanding the release nearly a week after the shooting, and FOX 29 covered protests that followed the police department’s eventual release of the footage. During a live report after the video was made public, protesters called for the officer involved to be charged, fired, and convicted. Skinner’s family lawyers have also urged peaceful protests in response to the footage.
Additional protests have occurred since the July 16 march. On July 19, another demonstration took place in the afternoon, with participants again demanding accountability for the officers involved. NBC Philadelphia noted a separate march on a Tuesday after the shooting, which began at Rodney Square and ended at Wilmington police headquarters. Protesters have organized food and water distribution during gatherings, according to FOX 29.
Community leaders, elected officials, and faith leaders have joined calls for transparency and justice, reflecting broader concerns about police practices in Wilmington. The protests have drawn dozens to around 100 participants at various times, demonstrating sustained public interest and concern. Organizers and community members have emphasized the need for public explanations about the evidence and the investigation.
The demonstrations have taken place amid challenging conditions, including a hot night with wildfire smoke in the air during the July 16 march, according to organizers. The series of protests represents an ongoing response to the police-involved shooting of 19-year-old Skinner, with repeated calls for evidence release and accountability continuing into late July 2026. Officials have not yet publicly resolved the case, and investigations remain active.